The Womens Rights Movement: Moving Toward Equality (Reform Movements in American History)
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Tauris, : , In short, after the establishment of sharia -based rule of the Islamic Republic in Iran, women lost many rights in almost all spheres of life. In cases of bodily harm, certain body organs of a male person for example, his testicles are worth more than the whole body of a female person. This emphasis on legal reform, however, does not make Iranian feminist orientation limited to liberal feminism only. Although at this stage of economic and political development in Iran, liberalism can be very relevant, what may seem liberal in the western democratic context can be perceived as quite radical in a repressive and retrogressive religious state.
As well-contextualised by one of the leading feminist activists in Iran, the classical western categorisation of Iranian feminists into liberal versus radical is false and misleading since it fails to account for the historical and specific situational conditions on the ground.
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The ruling conservative Islamists deny the existence of such a movement. Basing their arguments on some classic definitions and old theories of social movements, they point out that the current women activists lack a strong organisational structure capable of mobilising a vast number of the populace, generating serious conflicts with the state, and bringing about political changes.
But, their arguments seem unrealistic in light of the more recent public protests, networks of campaigns, and many arrests and conflicts between the women activists and the state organs.
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This involves deploying the power of presence , the assertion of collective will in spite of all odds, by refusing to exit, circumventing the constraints, and discovering new spaces of freedom to make oneself heard, seen, and felt. The effective power of these practices lies precisely in their ordinariness. Asef Bayat, February.
National American Woman Suffrage Association
This history can be roughly divided into eight periods. This chronological division is somewhat similar to the one presented by Parvin Paidar in her seminal book Women and the Political Process in Twentieth-Century Iran First was the era of Constitutional Revolution and constitutionalism — , during which the first generation of women activists emerged mostly through their involvement in the pro-constitutional and anti-imperialist activities. His son Mohammad Reza Shah , stopped enforcing mandatory unveiling, but that did not prevent the backlash of forced veiling under Khomeini and the Islamist state since Third , the era of nationalisation of the oil industry s—s brought more women into the public and political activism within both nationalist and socialist ideological and organisational frameworks.
Fifth, the era of Islamist Revolution and Islamisation — associated with massive socio-political mobilisation of men and women, but soon followed with many retrogressive and discriminatory laws and policies against women and religious and ethnic minorities, forced hijab, sex segregation, war and violence, political repression, massive emigration and exile of intellectuals and ordinary people, and overall socio-economic decline.
But the growth of civil society organisations, the vibrant and relatively free press, including feminist press, and relative economic improvement did not last long. Another subject of discussion and debate among the feminist activists was related to the presidential elections. Ahmadi Khorasani, Noushin. Among the presidential candidates, the only one that had sent some representatives to sit in the first seminar of this coalition and listen to their demands was Hassan Rouhani.
Protection of women from state and domestic violence, respect for civil and human rights that can provide security for establishing women NGOs — in order to do educational, cultural and journalistic work toward promotion of egalitarian values and elimination of discriminatory laws and policies — were among the main demands.
They also wanted the presidential candidates to promise appointment of qualified and egalitarian ministers, including women ministers in their cabinet. This stress on setting clear criteria for appointment of ministers was in part a reaction to the tactical move Ahmadinejad had made in by unexpectedly appointing two women ministers to his cabinet in order to appease women since they had made up his primary opponents during the Green Movement. Many activists however had dismissed his gesture as opportunistic, disingenuous, and at most too little too late.
The Commission published American Women in , making mild recommendations to improve women's situation. Howard Smith D-VA sponsored the amendment adding "sex" as a conservative tactic to reduce support for the bill -- although as a long-time Alice Paul ally and supporter of the ERA, Smith didn't want black men to have an advantage over white women if the civil rights bill were to pass.
The Equal Employment Opportunity Commission remained a strong supporter of protective legislation for women, and made little effort to enforce the prohibition against sex discrimination.
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NOW held its founding convention in October , electing Friedan as president and a board of directors including professionals who worked in federal and state government, universities, business, and labor unions. Much as the abolition movement helped inspire woman suffrage supporters in the Nineteenth Century, the civil rights struggle of the late s and s helped inspire a younger, more radical generation of women activists, many of whom were associated with the emerging New Left.
Women who were resisting the sexism of male leadership in the civil rights work of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee SNCC and the community organizing projects of Students for a Democratic Society SDS began meeting in in small groups to discuss their experiences. Out of these "consciousness-raising" groups emerged a decentralized women's liberation movement, using the insight "the personal is political" to examine and explore the grounds of oppression in their personal as well as organizational power relationships.
Even as the "sisterhood is powerful" message was taking hold, the movement was fragmenting into a variety of competing perspectives, including radical feminism and socialist feminism. After , lesbian separatists helped foster the development of women's services and cultural activities. Over the next decade feminists created a range of local women's institutions which flourish to this date: rape crisis hotlines and counseling centers, battered women's shelters, women's health clinics, and other women's projects -- newspapers, bookstores, coffeehouses, and entertainment.
The ERA Battle. Support for the ERA had been growing with little controversy. Supporters of the ERA had seven years to persuade the legislatures of 38 states to ratify, but little concerted effort was mounted at first because it looked like clear sailing -- in alone 22 states ratified. By the end of , 34 states had ratified, but then none in and only one in Meanwhile three states had voted to rescind ratification, an action with unclear constitutional impact.
When it was evident in that ERA supporters could not get 38 state ratifications by , they got Congress to pass a three-year extension to All the opponents had to do was deny ratification in 13 states -- and Illinois and Utah proved decisive, with opposition from Schlafly influential in Illinois, and the Mormon Church in Utah. The ERA drive was defeated. What went wrong? Schlafly and other opponents argued that the ERA would result in drafting women for combat, require federal funds to be used for abortions, mandate equal rights for homosexuals, remove powers from the states, and even establish unisex toilets.
ERA's impact would be largely symbolic, and would probably have some influence on court and legislative actions over time. Consequently both ERA's backers and opponents had reason to exaggerate its effects to mobilize their constituencies. Mansbridge notes that ERA supporters emphasized its impact when they should have minimized it to build a broad consensus. Public opinion supported protection of women's equal rights, but not an upheaval in family life.
Opponents simply had to raise enough doubts about ERA's impact to doom support in a quarter of the states. Mary Frances Berry emphasizes in her analysis that not enough groundwork was done in the states to assure solid support for ERA. Gender and Sexuality. Press, On the conservative reaction to the women's movement, see Susan Faludi, Backlash: The Undeclared War on American Women Crown, , particularly the interviews in parts 3 and 4. The revived Ms.
The Women's Rights Movement: Moving Toward Equality - Shane Mountjoy, Tim McNeese - Google книги
While the headquarters left the Upton House around , Warren remained active in the suffrage movement. The people of Warren were active in various programs of the national movement for years, until the 19th Amendment was ratified by a sufficient number of states, and authorized by President Wilson in In , the Upton House joined the list of historic landmarks.
tax-marusa.com/order/hejuryg/moteur-recherche-portable.php She had been jailed there and had endured forced feedings after going on a hunger strike. From Shaw's point of view, the time was right for a renewed emphasis on a suffrage amendment. Gordon and Clay, the most persistent adversaries of a federal suffrage amendment within NAWSA, had been out-maneuvered by their opponents and no longer held national posts.
In , she and her coworker Lucy Burns organized a suffrage parade in Washington on the day before Woodrow Wilson 's inauguration as president. Onlookers who opposed the march turned the event into a near riot, which ended only when a cavalry unit of the army was brought in to restore order. Public outrage over the incident, which cost the chief of police his job, brought publicity to the movement and gave it fresh momentum. Paul troubled NAWSA leaders by arguing that because Democrats would not act to enfranchise women even though they controlled the presidency and both houses of Congress, the suffrage movement should work for the defeat of all Democrats regardless of an individual candidate's position on suffrage.
NAWSA's policy was to follow the opposite approach, supporting any candidate who endorsed suffrage, regardless of political party. At the NAWSA convention in , Paul and her allies demanded that the organization focus its efforts on a federal suffrage amendment. The NAWSA burnished its image of respectability and engaged in highly organized lobbying at both the national and state levels.
The smaller NWP also engaged in lobbying but became increasingly known for activities that were dramatic and confrontational, most often in the national capital. Her tendency to overreact to those who differed with her had the effect of increasing organizational friction. In , Senator John Shafroth introduced a federal amendment that would require state legislatures to put women's suffrage on the state ballot if eight percent of the voters signed a petition to that effect. Amid confusion among the membership, delegates at the convention directed their dissatisfaction at Shaw.
In , she announced that she would not be running for reelection. Catt was the obvious choice to replace her, but she was leading the New York State Woman Suffrage Party, which was in the early stages of a crucial suffrage campaign in that state. Catt agreed to turn the New York work over to others and to accept the NAWSA presidency in December, on the condition that she could name her own executive board, which previously had always been elected by the annual convention. She appointed to the board women of independent means who could work for the movement full-time.
Backed by an increased level of commitment and unity in the national office, Catt sent its officers into the field to assess the state of the organization and start the process of reorganizing it into a more centralized and efficient operation.
Marjorie J. Spruill
Catt described the NAWSA as a camel with a hundred humps, each with a blind driver trying to lead the way. She provided a new sense of direction by sending out a stream of communications to state and local affiliates with policy directives, organizational initiatives and detailed plans of work. The NAWSA previously had devoted much of its effort to educating the public about suffrage, and it had made a significant impact.
Women's suffrage had become a major national issue, and the NAWSA was in the process of becoming the nation's largest voluntary organization, with two million members. At an executive board meeting in March, , Catt described the organization's dilemma by saying, "The Congressional Union is drawing off from the National Association those women who feel it is possible to work for suffrage by the Federal route only. Certain workers in the south are being antagonized because the National is continuing to work for the Federal Amendment.
The combination has produced a great muddle". Some states appeared unlikely ever to approve women's suffrage, in some cases because state laws made constitutional revision extremely difficult, and in others, especially in the Deep South, because opposition was simply too strong. When the conventions of the Democratic and Republican parties met in June, , suffragists applied pressure to both. Catt was invited to express her views in a speech to the Republican convention in Chicago.